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Cinchona is one of the plantation crops which has a history of its own. It is also known as ‘Jesuit’s Bark’ and ‘Preuvian Bark’. The bark of the Cinchona plant has the miraculous power to cure Malaria. This disease is widespread in tropical and subtropical regions especially around the equator. If not treated properly, malaria can become life threatening by disrupting the blood supply to vital organs. It is for this reason that the plant has earned its name in the world. Cinchona is a native plant of South America, chiefly Bolivia and Peru. The bark of the cinchona plant is known as Quinquina in French based on its name Kinakina in the Quicha language of Inca tribes of South America and Cina in Spanish. The medical value of the plant first became known in 1638 when Countess Chinchon, wife of the Spanish viceroy of Peru, was cured by the use of Cinchona bark powder.[1] Then in 1742, Swedish Botanist, Carolus Linnaeus named the plant as ‘Cinchona. It was a Dutch expedition to South America in 1853 under Hasskarl which resulted in the introduction of the plants and seeds into Java, while the fruits of a British expedition under Clements Markham in 1859 formed the basis of the Indian Plantations.[2]

Sharma, Khemraj, Socio-Economic Life Of Cinchona Plantation Workers In India, This book is one of the excellent book upon the history of cinchona plantation in Darjeeling. It was published from N.L.Publishers on 1997. The book emphasized on the early history and changing scenario of Darjeeling cinchona plantation. It mainly described various details about the condition of the workers engaged in cinchona gardens, but specially focused on the socio-economic situation of them. It also discuss about the initial problems to run the project, production details of cinchona and quinine, management system, statistics and export details of this project. Even the book give a in depth description of the condition of cinchona plantation workers, but the author was mainly dependent upon the secondary sources and gave less importance upon field survey. Roy, Rohan Deb, Malarial Subjects, Empire Medicine and Nonhumans in British India,1820-1909, This book is perhaps one of the most important book of the history of colonial period entomology in India. It was published on 2017. Malaria was considered one of the most widespread disease-causing entities in the nineteenth century. In this book the main focus shifted on the reconsolidation of malaria as a diagnostic category during this period happened within a wider context in which cinchona plants and their most valuable extract, quinine, were reinforced as objects of natural knowledge and social control. In India, the exigencies and apparatuses of British imperial rule occasioned the close interactions between these histories. In the process, British imperial rule became entangled with a network of nonhumans that included, apart from cinchona plants and the drug quinine, a range of objects described as malarial, as well as mosquitoes. Malarial Subjects explores this history of the co-constitution of a cure and disease, of British colonial rule and nonhumans, and of science, medicine and empire. The book contains a vivid description of malaria prone areas of Indian subcontinent but the author didn’t provide proper statistics of malaria infected peoples and the use of quinines.

The history of cinchona wasn’t so old in India. As early as 1819, Dr. Ainsle insisted upon the introduction of the cinchona plant into India. Even it was the first attempt to introduce cinchona here, but the attempt failed soon. Again in 1839, Dr. Royle try to popularize the bark here, but his attempt also faced the same fate. Till 1857, the situation was almost same, until Secretary of the State appointed Robert Clement Markham to travel the whole South America and collect good quality of plants of cinchona for India.[3] In Bengal, the experiment with the exotic species was entrusted upon Dr. Thomas Anderson, who however succeeded to raise some cinchona plants in Royal Botanical Garden, Calcutta. In 1861, he was deputed in Java to study the methods adopted by the Dutch for the plantation of cinchona. Dr. Anderson received every type of assistance and attention from the local authorities. He returned with large number of healthy plants, some of which were retained for Bengal and the rest being sent to Ootacamud.[4] On the other hand, British got Darjeeling and its adjoining areas on 1835, after a treaty with the King of Sikkim. The pleasant climate and geographical location of Darjeeling insisted them to use it as a Sanatorium. As a result, the presence of the British officials increased a lot in this area. Among them, Dr. Campbell, Joseph Dalton Hooker, W.W. Hunter spent lots of time in this region, due to their official work and field survey. Soon they realised the future economic possibilities of this region and informed the higher authorities about it. It was Joseph Dalton Hooker, who made the authorities of East India Company aware, about the possibilities of cinchona plantations here. Dr. Anderson also suggested the establishment of a cinchona nursery in Darjeeling with the greatest hope of success. In the meantime, plants raised in Royal Botanical Garden, were ready to give seeds. So the experiment of Darjeeling finally started with plants from Java, from Ootacamud and a few from the Calcutta gardens.[5]

As the combined efforts of Markham and Anderson, Cinchona plantation was started in 1861 in the Nilgiris, and several nurseries started at Dimsong in Sikkim and Darjeeling hills in the following year. Accordingly, Dr. Anderson tried to set up the project first at the Terai areas of Darjeeling District and Kurseong sub-division. After putting fruitless efforts in Kurseong sub-division, he went up to Darjeeling and started planting the plants at Senchal area. But due to its extreme cold weather conditions, he had to remove the plants to Lebong spurs. There too, the plants couldn’t survive. Here also the climate proved to be too rigorous for the plants and a substitute place had to be looked for.[6] The task proved difficult as most of the land in Darjeeling was, by then, already taken by the tea plantation. During the first half of 1861, Dr. Anderson started surveying the areas east of Darjeeling town towards Ghoom, Jorebunglow, Ten Mile, Davaipani, Gimlang and finally in 1862 at Ranju valley spurs of Mungpoo region which was then under the ownership of a Kazi of Sikkim. It proved to be an ideal plantation space that was only at twelve miles south-east from Darjeeling.[7] Here the cultivation, on an extensive scale, of those species of cinchona which contain quinine and allied febrifuge alkaloids in their bark began in 1864. The plantation was started with one hundred plants each of Cinchona Succirubra and Cinchona Officials, and two plants of Cinchona Calisaya. But till 1864, there were only 523 plants in Mungpoo as against 1,65,000 in South India. But since then the Mungpoo plantation steadily expanded over the time and the number of plants rapidly increased, so that ten years after the project of the undertaking, there were nearly three million trees in existence.[8]

The process of cultivation at Mungpoo was intensified from 1864, when Dr. Anderson assuming the charge of the Forest Department. Under his guidance, the Mungpoo plantation extended upto two new tracts at Rongbi and Riyang valley. After the initial success of this plantation, the original clearing on the slope of the Rangbi had been extended in a south easterly direction to the Rishop and Mungpoo ridges in the Ranju valley, The Ranju Valley therefore proved to be the most suitable place ecologically or otherwise because of the availability of adequate cheap labour force for clearing the dense forests and cultivating the plants. However, after 1876, the Ranju Valley spur was to be completely abandoned for the fear of wild animals and it was shifted to Rambhi areas of Mungpoo region.[9] Besides this, between 1881-87 two new plots was laid out at Labdah and Sitong on the southern slopes of the same valley. Still the cultivation in this project was further increased owing to the great demand for quinine in Bengal. Because of the excessive demand of quinine, in the year 1887, a total of 300 acres of land was taken on lease at Rongchong valley situated opposite of the Mungpoo cinchona plantation, in addition to the 12,000 acres of land which were already under cultivation of cinchona. In 1890 there were about four and half million plants (some eventually attaining a height of 30 feet) yielding quinine and febrifuge. Yet with all these colossal numbers, the demands made on the bark were found to be insufficient for the needs of India, and so much bark was imported from Java up to the close of 1914.[10]

After the massive success of Mungpoo plantation, government wanted to extend the cultivation in new areas of Darjeeling hills. As early as 1880 the land near the original plantation was found to be too small for the number of trees which were required to keep pace with the increasing demand for febrifuge and quinine. Accordingly the first outlying plantation was started in Ranjung valley in Kalimpong, However, the rainfall  was found to be too heavy here to let the plants grow successfully. Finally the plantation was exhausted and was fully given up in 1896. Then the possibility of extending the plantation in some other direction began to be considered since 1897.[11] For this, the Government first considered the forest known as the Enggo block, which was till then held as a cinchona reserve. But when inspected, it was also proved to be unsatisfactory due to heavy rainfall and finally in 1899 it was decided to convert a portion of the Dumsong forest block into a cinchona reserve. After the decision was taken, commencement was at once made for an extension there of the Government plantation. This division was then renamed as the Munsong division. This new cinchona plantation was started near the Damsong protected forest area with 8,000 acres of land. With close government assistance, adjoining areas of this project like Kashyam, Burmiyak, Songsir, came under it soon.[12] Similarly, in 1938 the third cinchona plantation with 1,600 acres of land was established at the Rongo block of Kalimpong sub-division. Soon the adjoining areas like Garibus, Dolgaon joined with this extension. Even the Second World War decreased the growth of the cinchona plantation; the fourth cinchona plantation was opened at Latpancher (Kurseong) on 1943, with 2,000 acres of land.[13]  Actually, the first phase of expansion was complete by the first decade of the 20th century, yet the amount was brought down till 1924 because the need for the Second phase of extension was considered for the first time in 1924 and it was affected only in 1930s when some new blocks were opened as already stated above. With those several extensions, the total production of cinchona febrifuge from Darjeeling hills, increased dramatically as compared to the 1860’s. The average yearly harvests of bark in the past have been approximately as follows-

Period	Yearly Production (in lbs.)
1869-70 to 1878-79	1,13,000
1879-80 to 1888-89	3,21,000
1889-90 to 1898-99	5,18,000
1899-00 to 1908-09	5,33,000
1909-10 to 1918-19	5,65,000
1919-20 to 1928-29	6,46,000
1929-30 to 1938-39	12,00,000

                           Source: Arthur Jules Dash, Bengal District Gazetteer: Darjeeling, P-141

The Cinchona plantation both in North and South India were initially owned by the Government. However, later the private growers were also allured by the prospects of profit that could be made from the Cinchona plantation. The Government encouraged the venture, freely distributed plants, seeds and provided facilities to the visitors to inspect the nurseries and plantation works. Still all the early plantations started in Darjeeling hill were directly sponsored by the government. But there is no doubt about the fact that cinchona did attract the attention of the private growers in the North as well, specially the owners of the land in the neighbourhood of the Government plantations, took interest in it soon. Some local co-operatives started to take interest in cinchona from the second half of 19^th century. As like Sikkim, Bhutia Cinchona Association started a cinchona plantation in Nimbong Valley. But it was running in loss and till 1893, the whole property was attached with the Mungpoo Plantation. Darjeeling Tea & Cinchona Association also started a plantation at Rongbi valley, which also faced the same fate. However, the Government plantation at Mungpoo remained unaffected by the problems that closed down the private enterprises and the acreage under it was extended steadily during the period.[14]

When the initial difficulties like, proper land for cultivation and adequate supply of seeds were overcome, the full-fledged cultivation started in Mungpoo from 1869-70. At the early stage, the plantation had started with five species of cinchona such as Succirubra, Officinalis, Panudiana, Micrantha and Calisaya. At first, Succirubra was selected largely as the most suitable species and this was the variety officially encouraged in Bengal. While in Java the Dutch were rapidly developing as the best yielder of quinine the ‘Calisaya’ and more especially a variety of it called the Ledgeiana. Later the planters of Darjeeling also adopted Ledgeriana, as a very suitable species for plantation. But Succirubra also remained in use until sometime between 1880 and 1890 when more attention was given to quinine as the best of the alkaloid drugs. As Ledgeriana was the best source of quinine, from early 20^th century the use of Ledgeriana increased in here.[15] Beside this, from 1880 Dr. King, the superintendent of the plantation, initiated the policy of converting the plantation from one in which red-bark trees, poor in quinine, preponderated, into one of quinine-yielding species. In pursuance of this policy, the yellow-bark species was planted out gradually increasing number from 1880’s in Darjeeling hills, together with quinine which appeared spontaneously on the plantation about this time, yielding a natural hybrid between Cinchona Succirubra and Cinchona Officinalis. This substitution process worked smoothly, whereas in 1880, there was 40,00,000 red-bark and 5,00,000 yellow-bark trees planted in Darjeeling hills, till 1901, it reached up to 2,00,000 red-bark trees and 2 million yellow-bark trees. Till 1947, the Bengal plantations concentrated mainly on Ledgeriana together with a small proportion of a hybrid of Ledgeriana and Succirubra which was obtained by cross breeding two species about the year 1900.[16]

Quinine is a bitter alkaloid extracted from cinchona bark. Quinine occurs naturally in the bark of the cinchona tree, though nowadays it has also been synthesized in the laboratory. In 1820, French researchers Pierre Joseph Peletier and Joseph Bienaime Caventou first isolated quinine from the bark of cinchona trees. As the bark of cinchona tree also used to cure various other fevers in India. After the cultivation of cinchona started commercially in Darjeeling, Dr. Anderson requested British government to start a factory at Mungpoo. The high authorities soon gave clearance for the factory and finally in 1874, a factory was established at Mungpoo. It was first quinine factory in India, from where quinine was supplied not only to the rest of Bengal but all over India as well. Even in early days, the production of Cinchona Febrifuge in the factory was only 48 lbs. in 1874-75; it was increased up to 82,023 lbs. till 1887.[17] In 1887, the manufacture of sulphate of quinine was commenced in the Mungpoo factory by a process of extraction by fuel oil elaborated by Mr. Wood, formerly Quinologist, and Mr. Gammie, the Deputy Superintendent of the plantations. From 1887 onwards the factory has continued to produce sulphate of quinine, in addition to cinchona Febrifuge. The production of quinine in this factory, were increased up to 10,000 lbs. till 1895-96.[18] As the demand of quinine increased in international market from the first decade of 19^th century, British government decide to upgrade the machineries of the factory. Around 1907, the factory was even extended in order to reach the yearly target of a minimum of 20,000 pounds. As a result, the production of sulphate of quinine in 1887–88 was about 250 lbs., but in 1905–06 the output reached nearly 16,000 lbs. From the first half of 19^th century, the production of cinchona and sulphate of quinine increased more, but the distribution of the cinchona products by the government of Bengal passed through various phrases. In the earlier stages, the production issues were restricted to government hospitals and dispensaries and to those maintained by public bodies.[19] But from 1892, a system of selling sulphate of quinine through the post offices in small packets, containing 5 grains (subsequently increased to 7 grains) at the price of one paise per packet was instituted, so as to enable even the poorest native to purchase a dose of the drug. In 1892–93, where only 475 lbs. was issued, but till 1905–06, the issued quantity reached 4200 lbs. The introduction of quinine tablets gradually increased these public sales until about 1938 they constituted nearly a third of the total yearly issues. The work of distribution was transferred entirely from the Cinchona department to the Jail department to provide useful work for convicted labour. During the period of 1936-42, a commercial agency was also employed to sell quinine in open market. But from 1940’s the department had its own sales organisation in Calcutta both for supplies direct to the public and government institutions.[20] The details of the average production of quinine sulphate and cinchona from Darjeeling hills are mentioned here-

Period	Quinine Sulphate (Yearly production in lbs.)	Cinchona Febrifuge (Yearly production in lbs.)
1909-14	14,000	2,400
1915-19	29,700	5,900
1919-24	21,500	7,900
1924-29	27,600	12,600
1929-34	42,200	20,300
1934-39	47,700	23,300
1939-44	59,913	31,927

 Source: Arthur Jules Dash, Bengal District Gazetteer: Darjeeling, p- 14

In case of the management, since its inception in 1864, the whole plantation project was under the control and management of Botanical Garden of Calcutta (Sibpur). Then it went under the Control of Forest and Excise Department and they managed it till 1945. But in 1946, it was transferred to the Ministry of Trade and Commerce of Government of Bengal. In the earlier stage, the Superintendent of Mungpoo Cinchona plantation was the overall in charge of the plantation in Darjeeling hills, at least till the first two decades. There was only one Manager, worked as the Superintendent of the plantation. The manager had to supervise the whole project with the help of Assistant Manager, Quinologist, Sardar, Gallawalas and Office staffs.[21] There was an Assistant Manager who had to supervise the roles and responsibilities of the Sardars and Gallawalas. But there was a slight modification made in the management hierarchy from the first decade of 20^th century. As a result, Mungpoo was made the Directorate of Cinchona Plantations. After that two separate Assistant Manager were appointed for the Munsong division and Mungpoo Cinchona division. The Assistant Superintendent was to assist the Superintendent of Cinchona plantation at Mungpoo. Again in the year 1940, a new post of General Manager was created at Mungpoo Cinchona Plantation. It is quite interestingly noted that till 1937, all the top ranking managerial personnel were the Britishers from England. And it was only during the thirties of the twentieth century that a few clerical staff was nominated from Bengal and Bihar plains.[22]

The history of labour recruitment in the cinchona plantation was known as Sardari System. In practice the Sardars were the overall in-charge of the plantation. Each Sardar was responsible for recruitment, employment, and supervision of his workers in his division who were mainly engaged with the respective caste Dhura (division) in the plantation areas. Unlike the recruitment policy which had been adopted in the tea plantations of the region by following the various acts of the British Government, the Cinchona had quite a separate system of labour recruitment of its own. Shortly after the establishment of Cinchona plantation at Mungpoo in 1862, Dr. Anderson appointed some people as the Sardars who were assigned with the responsibilities of labour recruitment, their employment and settlement in Mungpoo Cinchona Plantation. The Sardars first tried to appoint the local Lepchas, but since the Lepchas were shifting cultivators. So the Sardars could not able to employ them in the plantation when necessary. Secondly, the Sardars could not recruit the Lepchas or neighbouring population of tea gardens forcefully. Because, Mungpoo was an integral part of Darjeeling hills where the various acts made for Bengal could not be applied directly, as it was an excluded area to the Government of Bengal. In this respect, a few such acts relating to the labour recruitment in the plantations of Assam, Dooars and Terai belts had no implication for Mungpoo Cinchona plantation though it was a government owned plantation. For instance, the Inland Emigration Act III of 1863 of the British Government which provided that all the labour recruiters should be licensed and that every intending immigrant should be closely supervised had no meaning in Mungpoo due to the shortage of labour in the plantation. Thus, the Act was not followed in the cinchona plantations of Darjeeling region.[23] Other similar Acts such as Workmen’s Breach of Contract (Act No. VII) Was also not followed in the plantation. However, as per the recommendations of Labour Enquiry Commission of 1868, which advocated for the recruitment of labourers by the plantation themselves through the agency of the plantation Sardars, the local Sardars also started recruiting labourers in the Mungpoo Cinchona plantation.[24] Hence, the recruitment in Cinchona plantation of Mungpoo was the sole responsibilities of the Sardars. Unlike in the tea plantations of Assam and Dooars or Terai belts of Bengal where the labourers were indentured from the various parts of Ranchi, Santal Parganas of Bihar, Orissa and other parts of the country, with legal security provided by the various acts, the question of recruitment in Mungpoo Cinchona plantation was little difficult as the workers were to be enticed from across the Indian borders, i.e., Nepal and Sikkim (as Sikkim was not a part of the Union of India at that time). And it is for this reason that we hardly find any Hindi, Bengali, Adivasi or Bihari speaking population in the cinchona plantations of Darjeeling region especially in Mungpoo, heart of cinchona plantation of Darjeeling making Nepali speaking people the only inhabitant of the area, as far as the labour is concerned. In addition to this; few Bengalese also settled in and around the cinchona plantation areas, who were appointed as the officers in the plantation areas.

Here is no doubt in the fact that the phenomenal growth of the population of Darjeeling region especially after 1872 is due to the development of the plantation industry in this region. Although there are ample sources for the migration history of tea plantation area, but there is hardly any record of labour migration history in the Cinchona plantation areas discovered till now. Though O’Malley states that there were about 13,507 people in Mungpoo region in the year 1947, nothing has been clearly mentioned about the total working force of all cinchona plantations at that time.[25] But as much as we knew about the migration, is discussed here briefly. The introduction of cinchona plantation at Mungpoo mainly attracted a few people of eastern Nepal and Sikkim, as they migrated to the plantation in search of jobs. Rest of the working population in the early stages, was enticed from the local people. It was in the second half nineteenth century that the Tagadharis (Upper Caste people) migrated from Nepal while the earlier immigrants were the Matwalis (Lower Caste people) and few Chhetris, who were mainly employed as the Sardars in the plantation areas. On the other hand, people of other castes like Rai and Limbu, were also migrated here and started work as the daily labourers in those cinchona plantations. Except those, the Tamangs, came from West Nepal, were worked in large number in later extensions, like Labda, Sitong etc.[26] As a result, a rapid growth was noticed in the statistics of population of Darjeeling hill from 1870. Whereas the Tagadharis, Kamis, Damais and Sarkis immigrated during 1940s, considering the facilities provided by the government for backward scheduled casts and scheduled tribes after the independence of the country. But still the exact number of immigrants and workers of the cinchona plantations isn’t clear still now.

1. Adikesavan ,A.G., Economic Product Gallery, The Director of Museum, Government Museum – EGMOPE, Madras, 1975, p-54 2. Dash, Arthur Jules, Bengal District Gazetteer: Darjeeling, Bengal Government Press, Calcutta, 1947, p-5 3. O’Malley, LSS, Bengal District Gazetteer: Darjeeling, Logos Press, New Delhi, Calcutta, 1907, p- 141 4. Ibid, p-141 5. Dash, Arthur Jules, op.cit, p-125 6. Dutta, Karubaki, ‘The Cinchona Plantation in Darjeeling – Its Introduction and the First Phase of Expansion. 1863-1924’, in M. Das Gupta ed., The Himalayan Miscellany, Centre of Himalayan Studies, N.B.U., Volume 4, March 1990, p-47 7. O’Malley, LSS, op.cit, p- 143 8. Sharma, Khemraj, ‘Trade Union Movement in Cinchona Plantation of Darjeeling Hill’, in R.K. Bhadra and Mita Bhadra ed., Plantation Labours Of North-East India, N.L. Publishers, Dibrugarh, 1997, p-129 9. Dozey, E.C, A Concise History of Darjeeling District Since 1835, Jesun Publishing House, Calcutta, 1916, p-216 10. Ibid, p-216 11. Ibid, p-216 12. Annual Report on the Government Cinchona Plantations and Factory in Bengal, 1897-98, p-5 13. Ibid, p-5 14. Wilson , A. and Mirchandani, T. J., Report on the Prospects of Cinchona Cultivation in India, 1939, p5, mentioned in Karubaki Dutta, op. cit, p-48 15. Rai, Susma, Plantation Industry of Darjeeling Region: A Historical Study, Department of History, Sikkim, 2015, p-46 16. O’Malley, LSS, op.cit, p-143 17. Ibid, p-143 18. Rai, Susma, op.cit, p-48 19. Ibid, p-48 20. Dash , Arthur Jules, op.cit, p-124 21. O’Malley, LSS, op.cit, p-144 22. Ibid, p-144 23. Sharma, Khemraj, Socio-Economic Life Of Cinchona Plantation Workers In India, N.L. publishers, Dibrugarh,1997,p2 24. Ibid, p-58 25. O’Malley, LSS, op.cit, p-144 26. Dozey, E.C, op.cit, p-46