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Grassroots innovation has gained increasing attention from scholars and practitioners over the past few decades. It refers to innovative solutions that emerge from local communities, rather than being imposed from above. Grassroots innovation is often driven by people who are excluded from formal innovation processes, such as those living in poverty or marginalized communities. These individuals often have unique insights into the challenges they face and are motivated to find solutions that work for them. In recent years, there has been growing interest in grassroots innovation as a means of addressing some of the world's most pressing challenges, such as climate change, social inequality, and economic development. Grassroots innovation has been recognized as a potential source of low-cost, sustainable, and locally appropriate solutions that can complement and sometimes even outperform formal innovation efforts. Despite the growing interest in grassroots innovation, there is a lack of consensus on what it is, how it works, and what factors contribute to its success or failure. This paper aims to provide a state-of-the-art literature review of grassroots innovation, exploring its various dimensions, including its definition, types, drivers, barriers, and impact. The review draws on a wide range of literature, including academic articles, reports, case studies, and policy documents, to provide a comprehensive overview of the current state of research on grassroots innovation. The paper highlights the key debates and gaps in the literature and identifies areas for future research. Overall, this paper contributes to the growing body of literature on grassroots innovation and provides a foundation for further research and policy development in this area. Performing a systematic review can be approached in various ways, as noted by previous researchers. However, it is crucial to disclose the search methodology in a transparent and detailed manner (Castillo and Hallinger, 2017). In recent years, there has been growing interest among researchers in exploring the self-efficacy of entrepreneurs. Thus, the aim of this study was to provide an overview of how the academic community has approached the concept of self-efficacy in relation to entrepreneurship. To achieve this goal, a comprehensive search was conducted across 108 journals, including the Journal of Small Business Management, Journal of Business Research, Small Enterprise Research, Academy of Management Review, Frontiers of Entrepreneurship Research, among others. In addition, the search was extended to cover over 102 academic databases, such as ABI Inform, Scopus, Google Scholar, Web of Science, Wiley, and Shodhganga, to identify peer-reviewed articles on the topic of interest. As a result, a total of 256 papers on grassroots innovators, and grassroots innovation were retrieved. The subsequent section of this study presents the methodology, keywords, selection criteria, descriptive analysis of the literature review, and criteria for selecting articles. Through this extensive search process, the researcher gained a deep understanding of the various dimensions of grassroots innovators and their entrepreneurial self-efficacy. This also facilitated the development of a comprehensive understanding of the antecedents and consequences of this construct. Overall, this study provides valuable insights into the current state of research on self-efficacy and entrepreneurship, which can inform future research and practice in this area.

Researchers’ Insight on Grassroots Innovation and Innovator

Grassroots innovation is an essential driver for sustainable production and consumption, characterized by creating unique and sustainable solutions to local problems by commoners, such as cooperatives, voluntary associations, community groups, and social economy initiatives (Seyfang and Smith, 2007). It aims to address societal issues with funding from grants, reciprocal exchanges, and volunteer workforces (Seyfang and Longhurst, 2016). The movements like cooperatives, voluntary associations, unofficial community groups, volunteer work, and the social economy, fall under grassroots innovation (Seyfang and Smith, 2007). Grassroots innovators arise through experience, knowledge, and abilities ingrained at the individual and community levels (Reinsberger et al., 2015). Cities are becoming more innovative and sustainable, and academics, practitioners, and policymakers are paying more attention to considering entrepreneurs and innovative business models (Vergragt et al., 2016). As a result, grassroots innovations are essential to the transition to sustainability. According to Seyfang and Longhurst (2016), the primary goal of grassroots innovation is to address societal issues, with grants, reciprocal exchanges, and a volunteer workforce serving as the primary funding sources (Grabs et al., 2015). (Hossain, 2018) states that there needs to be a synthesis of the industries where grassroots innovation is most common, and most of the movements at the grassroots face conflicts. He talked about the motivating factors and obstacles for grassroots ideas. He also discovered that studying grassroots innovation is prevalent in five industries: cohousing, agriculture, community energy, and organic food. It highlights the number of problems with the triple tension (scaling up, sustainability, and success). Rising electricity costs fuel grassroots innovation, falling costs of renewable technology, and governmental clean energy efforts (Wainstein and Bumpus, 2016). The idea of grassroots innovations has developed into a valuable subsection of the immense literature on transitions. Grassroots innovations are niches sustained by the ideological commitment of the local players (Seyfang and Smith, 2007). Thomas et al. (2014) state that technological, scientific, and innovation communities rarely include grassroots innovations in their foresight exercises or innovation programs. The World Commission on Environment and Development states that grassroots innovations that produce knowledge are integral for policies and sustainable innovation (1987). Grassroots innovations for processing of food on a small scale for impoverished people living in rural areas of India are fundamentally different from, for example, methods of building houses that are affordable and suitable for the location, especially for the urban poor in Argentina. Regarding local inclusion and control over technological development and inventive social organization, grassroots innovation methods have identical visions and principles. Grassroots innovation's entrepreneurial components may be chosen and emphasized if they best fit the current market structures and knowledge institutions (Thomas et al., 2014).

As promoted by the Honey Bee Network in India, grassroots innovation encourages regional inventiveness and creativity. Understanding how grassroots innovation works allows researchers to collect ethnographic data about people’s recent experiences, their ability to generate original solutions to pressing problems, and the coping strategies that allow them to do so. There are two major reasons why the creativity of grassroots innovators is so important. It’s possible, first, that there is transferable information about how various innovation processes may be built to include local knowledge and stress the variety of grassroots settings. Second, the knowledge of the characteristics of grassroots innovation that are realized and engrained to varying degrees depending on the specific location can be known. These details may be used to provide location-specific data on how easily social inclusion technologies can be implemented elsewhere. The creation of more broadly marketable technology and social entrepreneurship can benefit from this understanding (Gupta et al., 2003; Kaplinsky, 1990; London and Hart, 2011).

The success of grassroots innovations depends on three levels –the individual level, the group level, and the societal level (Grabs et al., 2015). When properly encouraged, grassroots innovation may be a powerful source of new ideas (Ornetzeder and Rohracher, 2013).A few examples of prior grassroots movements are the Honey Bee Network Movement, the People’s Science Movement, and the Community Currency Movements (Seyfang and Longhurst, 2013) (Smith et al., 2014). Grassroots innovation often occurred outside of the purview of government or corporate goals (Yalçn-Riollet et al., 2014). They are more of a source of creative variety than of thorough and useful information for long-term sustainable growth (Seyfang et al., 2013). Dissident voices and movements, pushing for fresh ideas and the application of innovation, are the source of many grassroots innovations. To advance grassroots innovation is crucial to foster an entrepreneurial culture and an innovative attitude (Hua et al., 2010). However, there is no need to categories inventions as “grassroots” or “mainstream” because of the many commonalities between the two (Jain and Verloop, 2012).

Compared to the current unsustainable system, grassroots innovation can provide a more sustainable way of existence (White and Stirling, 2013). Large companies use grassroots innovations only while undergoing considerable organizational and technical design changes (Hess, 2013). Grassroots innovations frequently question accepted procedures, beliefs, and technologies. Additionally, they support novel organizational structures and distribution methods (Seyfang, 2011). They also question their operational settings' pre-existing institutional, legal, and regulatory components (White and Stirling, 2013).

Grassroots innovators are successful because of a culture that values negotiation, social learning, democracy, openness, and diversity (Ornetzeder and Rohracher, 2013). The following are some of the ways in which grassroots innovators are distinct from mainstream innovators: (1) Grassroots innovators are motivated by social needs rather than payment seeking; (2) Innovators that prioritized ideology before financial gain were the ones that ultimately succeeded; (3)The safe haven for grassroots ideas was established by shared norms and beliefs; (4) Innovators were pioneers in community ownership models.; (5) Innovators depended on volunteer work, grants, or mutual exchange; and (6) Social factors were important to innovators (Seyfang and Longhurst, 2013). Grassroots innovations were crucial to the shift toward sustainability because of their transformative capacity (Leach et al., 2012). As a result of local experimentation, grassroots innovators have formed a network that develops creative solutions for numerous urgent concerns (Feola and Nunes, 2014). Niche markets have emerged in response to the development of socio-technical innovation that challenges established norms, technologies, and creators (Martinez-Alier et al., 2010).

Principal Theories Cited in Literature on the Grassroots Innovation

The critical theories used to investigate grassroots innovation have been conceptual niche management (CNM) (Monaghan, 2009), strategic niche management (SNM) (Vries et al., 2016), multi-level viewpoint (Ornetzeder and Rohracher, 2013), niche-to-regime transition theory (Boyer, 2014), and knowledge economy (Gupta, 2012).Community-based activity, specialized sources for social movements supporting condensed consumption, and sustainable practices are only a few examples of how the literature on grassroots innovations is similar to the study on transitions in general (Boyer, 2014). Several important niche development processes, including network creation, learning, and capacity building on the one hand, and empowering, nurturing, and safeguarding niche inventions on the other, may benefit from grassroots innovations, as suggested by Ornetzeder and Rohracher (2013). Some scholars argue that the difference between a regime and a niche is more phenomenological in nature than ontological (Hoppe et al., 2015).Rather than upsetting the established order, grassroots innovations, as described by Kirwan et al. (2013), make use of existing local resources and expertise. New socio-technical practices can spread within a suitable context more easily with the help of niches; say Seyfang and Longhurst (2013). Transitions in socio-technical systems and sustainability have given rise to the literature on grassroots innovations (Martin and Upham, 2015). Radical innovation can germinate in socio-technical shifts as "spaces" (Seyfang et al., 2014). When strong niche performance is coupled with the compatibility of an existing regime, niche expansion occurs (Smith, 2007). Broader aspects like demographics, economic factors, ecology, structural framework, materials, and patterns have a role in regime change (Rotmans et al., 2001).

Challenges Faced During the Grassroots Innovations

Grassroots innovators encounter many difficulties. They require assistance throughout the entire value chain, not just on specific occasions (Cabannes, 2012). They have to rely on meagre funds from a variety of unreliable sources (Middlemiss and Parrish, 2010), are often at odds with one another ideologically (Seyfang and Longhurst, 2013), and find it challenging to forge meaningful connections with a larger group (Smith, 2011). Financial, legal, and situational pressures or compulsions, as well as diffusion, are significant barriers to grassroots innovations (Boyer, 2014). Grassroots innovations must overcome numerous obstacles if they successfully spark social changes (Feola and Nunes, 2014). One of the most prominent challenges grassroots innovation faces is converting a clearly defined demand into a “business plan” (Cabannes, 2012). Connecting local creative capacity with global dimensions is a significant problem for grassroots innovation (Leach et al., 2012). Funding for grassroots innovation comes from a wide variety of sources, including individual donations, fundraisers, grants, private sponsorship, lotteries, sales of locally-produced commodities, state authorities, and sponsors (Feola and Nunes, 2014). Funders and specialized funding organizations do not view urban agriculture as a significant concern; for example, financial support for grassroots innovations in urban areas is quite restricted (Cabannes, 2012). To foster their success, Grassroots innovators struggle to connect with knowledgeable individuals, research institutions, and advisors to obtain the required support, such as information access and communication channels (Creech et al., 2014). They struggle to keep up with the environment's constant change (Douthwaite et al., 2009). Their uneven dispersion challenges the tales about the momentum of innovations (Wu and Zhang, 2013). They struggle to get by, much less develop (Hargreaves et al., 2013). Because different owners have different interests, it is challenging to establish institutional infrastructures (Hargreaves et al., 2013). They need to launch a full-scale lobbying campaign to get institutional and governmental backing (Ornetzeder and Rohracher, 2013). Grassroots groups need help distinguishing between context-sensitive solutions and appropriate technology that enables local creativity. Additionally, they depend dangerously heavily on outside assistance (Smith et al., 2014). According to Cabannes (2012), urban grassroots innovators are hesitant to request loans from traditional financial institutions. Most non-business actors who work with grassroots innovations need to be stronger individuals. As a result, officials need to pay more attention to grassroots initiatives (Bergman et al., 2010). Public policy often overlooks breakthroughs that are localized, fragmented, and on a smaller scales (Gupta, 2012). In order to overcome several obstacles, as stated in the following section, networking is essential. 

Networking for Grassroots Innovations

Networking is crucial for grassroots innovations to scale up and move beyond their immediate environment (Hoppe et al., 2015). The success of grassroots innovations depends heavily on networks that have been in existence since forever, in the context of geography, size, space, and the socio-technical revolution (Feola and Nunes, 2014). When networking activities collaborate with multiple stakeholders, niches can benefit (Seyfang and Haxeltine, 2012). Social networks and interpersonal interactions have given rise to grassroots innovations and adaptations (Anderson and McLachlan, 2012). In order to establish community momentum, network-building efforts concentrate on the internal dynamics of communities (Kirwan et al., 2013). The creation of sustainable grassroots innovation is greatly aided by a robust global network of civil society (Ely et al., 2013). Activist networks provide grassroots ideas that provide basic solutions for sustainable advancement (Leach et al., 2012). Connecting grassroots creativity with larger institutions both near and far is beneficial (Feola and Nunes, 2014). According to Gupta (2012), grassroots inventions can’t be built in isolation from other participants. Designers, fabricators, and financiers are all essential to the process.

For sustainability experiments to succeed, it is important to first develop sociological and cognitive “niche” protection, which requires a focus on cultural practices, institutions, and networks (Longhurst, 2015). The intra-organizational network can help grassroots ideas grow (Xiao et al., 2013).

Learning for Grassroots Innovations

Learning gives grassroots innovations a chance to learn and develop their skills to make better inventions through experimentation (Hoppe et al., 2015). Bradbury and Middlemiss (2015) contend that an association’s culture of education is the most crucial enabler of learning. Learning demands a variety of structural circumstances at the local level (Ornetzeder and Rohracher, 2013). On the other hand, learning processes take place locally and globally (Seyfang and Longhurst, 2013). According to Bradbury and Middlemiss (2015), informal learning is less effective than experiential learning in fostering sustainable behaviors. The introduction of grassroots innovations, especially in rural regions, requires extensive training and the use of practical applications (Pattnaik and Dhal, 2015). Sustainable policy regimes may be learned from the public and local service providers to create rules that are flexible enough to allow bottom-up initiatives (Monaghan, 2009). Peer-to-peer information sharing facilitates the diffusion, propagation, and development of some grassroots ideas. Learning and building expertise include a process of sharing information (Feola and Nunes, 2014). To reach extreme cheapness, it is crucial to learn from grassroots innovators and indigenous knowledge keepers (Gupta, 2012).

Success of the Grassroots Innovations

In the existing literature, the grassroots innovations’ triumph is described in various ways (Ornetzelder and Rohracher, 2013). Feola and Nunes (2014) claim that four primary criteria—human, external, organizational, and resource—are used to characterize the success of transition innovations. In addition, grassroots innovators stress that the success of their inventions may be measured by how well they strengthen social links within their communities, improve environmental performance, empower their constituents, serve social purposes, etc. (Feola and Nunes, 2014). Scalability, reproducibility, and acceptance into other contexts are essential criteria by which Seyfang and Longhurst (2015) evaluate the effectiveness of grassroots innovations (Hoppe et al., 2015). The narratives around various grass-roots innovations may evolve in ways that have varying effects on the dynamics at play within and between them (Feola, 2014).

According to Smith et al. (2005), niche pressures, the environment, and the potential for change must be present at the time of the success of grassroots innovations. According to Seyfang and Haxeltine (2012), the key advantages of grassroots innovations are the spaces they foster for developing novel concepts and methods for testing novel delivery systems. These spaces allow citizens to express alternative values and achieve concrete goals. 

Drivers of Grassroots Innovators

Factors for grassroots innovation were social responsibility, ecological awareness, appropriate development, and sustainable consumption given by (Hilmi, 2012). He also identified specific traits of grassroots innovations in various categories. For example, grassroots innovation is the novelty of solutions to problems of daily living faced by bottom communities; its technicality could be better. The market is also low or medium; it primarily innovated for the social enhancement of communities in emerging markets, it seeks bottom-up development, it is for maintaining sustainability, it is scalable, and it also uses open-source software. Through sharing and integration, it will increase performance on a global scale. In the beginning, vulnerable communities in the developing world are its primary target market. Finally, it offers innovative platforms or solutions to new product conceptions in the industrialized world (Waal, 2016). Grassroots innovations are "simple, easy to implement, low cost and replicate, and such goods have substantial social benefits on the lives of the marginalized," as characterized by Hanna (2010). Gupta (2019) put out six Grassroots Innovations parameters: adaptability, affordability, sustainability, informal innovation, and local fit. Grassroots Innovation is particularly suited to Bottom Of Pyramid-focused innovations due to all six factors' confluence. According to Nakata and Weidner (2012), an accessible price is an extent to which a product can be acquired when access to credit and cash are both restricted. These goods are affordable and fit the Bottom of Pyramid clients' purchasing capacity (Chikwecheand Fletcher, 2012; Viswanathan and Sridharan, 2012). Native knowledge, as defined by Sillitoe and Marzano (2009), is the knowledge that has been acquired locally over time and is particular to a particular community, culture, or society. This information is typically passed down by oral and practical means. According to Subba Rao (2006), the ability to carry out socioeconomic growth of the community is a result of their traditional understanding of grassroots innovation.

Grassroots innovators typically develop to meet their own needs and address local issues affecting their community. These innovators are supported mainly by their family, friends, and neighbors rather than by official private or public organizations. Another dimension known as “Local Fit” is explained by De Keersmaecker et al. (2012). The researcher described the innovation's compatibility with regional resources, needs, and socioeconomic conditions. The sustainability dimension is described by Seyfang and Smith (2007) as innovations that enhance economic development while also taking social and environmental values into account. Adaptability is a critical component of grassroots innovation, as defined by (Li et al., 2008) as a product that can be easily modified to perform new purposes or to improve product performance in various circumstances. Gupta (2019) details the various traits of grassroots innovations: adaptability, informal network, indigenous knowledge, local fit, usually licensing under commons, and sustainability. Bottom-up solutions, sustainable development, contextual factors, and community values are the four pillars upon which Lakitan’s (2012) definition of grassroots innovation depends (Seyfang and Smith, 2007). The social economy, as opposed to the market economy, underpins grassroots innovations, which focus more on social and institutional than technological innovation and are driven by social need and ideological commitment than financial gain. Furthermore, the “protected space” that fosters their growth is often one of substitute culture and values (rather than regulatory frameworks and subsidies), and grassroots innovations take many different organizational forms (rather than principally commercial income).

To ensure a comprehensive review, the systematic literature review approach outlined by Tranfield et al. (2003) was used. This involved conducting keyword searches, selecting relevant articles, and performing descriptive analyses. The search began by adding the keyword "grassroots innovation" to the search term. Additional keywords, including "grassroots innovator," "entrepreneurial self-efficacy," were later added. The search was conducted in various online databases such as Web of Science, ABI Inform, Scopus, Google Scholar, and Shodhganga. The selected publications were mainly focused on entrepreneurship and were sourced from journals such as the Journal of Small Business Management, Journal of Business Research, Small Enterprise Research, Academy of Management Review, among others. Selection of Articles The initial search was conducted for peer-reviewed and English-language articles, resulting in the discovery of 256 contributed articles. The researcher then scrutinized the abstracts of these articles to identify those that discussed grassroots innovation among entrepreneurs and grassroots innovators. After removing 75 overlapping and irrelevant articles, 181 articles were included for further analysis. The selected articles were focused on grassroots innovators' entrepreneurial self-efficacy, its antecedents and consequences, or conceptual papers solely based on the literature. A further 8 papers were excluded as they were book reviews, blogs, conference-presented papers, incomplete papers, and press-presented papers. Ultimately, 173 articles were used for the in-depth investigation. A detailed analysis of 102 publications resulted in the creation of an integrated model of grassroots innovation and a research agenda. Descriptive Analysis To analyze the 256 articles that were selected, the researcher compiled the data into a spreadsheet, summarizing each article's key points. The analysis revealed that the field of entrepreneurial self-efficacy experienced an upsurge in publications beginning in 2010, indicating a growing interest in this area. The International Entrepreneurship and Management Journal and the Journal of Business Venturing were the two journals that published the most articles about self-efficacy of entrepreneurs, with 6 and 3 articles, respectively. The publications were categorized as qualitative or quantitative studies, with most studies employing a quantitative approach (102 articles). The findings of these studies provide valuable insights into the factors that influence grassroots innovation.

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