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According to Merriam-Webster Dictionary, an ancestor is “one from whom a person is descended; this includes one’s parents, grandparents, or great-grandparents.” In the Indian scriptures, the Rig Veda asserts that ancestors are deliberated as semi-divine beings (demigods). The main difference between the divine god and ancestors is that the latter does not possess the power to punish sinners, while the gods have it. Hence, the ancestors store valuable gifts and can dole out curses (Sayers, 2013). “Anthropologists studying traditional kinship-based cultures have frequently, and perhaps universally, encountered the claim that dead ancestors (deceased progenitors) can still influence, and or be influenced by, their living descendants” (Clark & Palmer, 2016, p. 1). In the Indian context, the discourse on domestic ritual reflects on the inherited textualised version of ancestor worship and the broader untextualised tradition, gradually integrating them into a single ritual cycle of ancestral rites known as the Shraaddh-rite. This new tradition of ancestral rites differs in scale, its principal human actors, and the manner of ritual interaction. It becomes the paradigm for ancestral veneration for the subsequent tradition. “The authors of the Dharmasutras and the Dharmasastras accept the Shraaddh-rite as the paradigmatic rite of ancestor veneration. Gradually, it becomes a central part of their prescription for proper religious life” (Sayers, 2013, p. 21). Perhaps the Hindus have a strong sense of transmitting the value of respect to their elders, whether alive or dead.   In all ages humans have paid respect to their elders, whether alive or dead. In the fast changing social and economic life, people still have enough space for their forefathers. Ancestor worship is a universal practice as each society regards its forefathers. In Hindu society, ancestor worshipping has two aspects: Shraaddhs practised in the month of Ashwin (Sept-Oct.) and making a Chhatri or Madhi in the name of family ancestors for daily and occasional rituals. The main idea behind ancestor worship is to earn heavenly merit by enabling the dead to rejoin their present generation. Ibbetson (1919, Vol-1, p. 199) writes: “For another reason, in a village in Gurgaon, the spirit of young men who died childless, discontented, and unwilling to leave their home is also supposed to haunt the family or village. Worship of the dead is done in two forms- the sainted dead (Pitr) and the malevolent dead (sonless dead)” (Ibbetson, 1919, Vol-1, p. 199).In order to pacify or counter Pitr, a stone or set of three or five bricks is commonly placed outside the home or in fields called PitrMadhi. The faith of Hindus in their ancestors is as old as the religion itself. Some individual household may not have Madhi, but within a Kunba (a group of families belonging to a single forefather), one will find some PitrMadhis. After that, other ancestral shrines built are known as PitrMadhis. These are personal matters of a particular household or a Kunba. These rituals are practiced from local to Pan-Indian scale. Pinddaan for ancestors is very common among Hindus at various sacred places like Kurukshetra, Bodh Gaya and Haridwar etc. Kurukshetra, in Haryana is a well-known centre of faith enumerated in Mahabharta, various Puranas, and non-Hindu sources like Aain-e-Akbari (Bhardwaj, 1973). The place is auspicious for PindDaan during Shraaddhs. On the day of Amavasya, Hindus of the north-western region of the country visit Braham Sarovar for peace of their ancestral souls and sacred bathing.

Shastri (1963) starts with the Brahmanas text mentioning the beliefs of ancestral rebirth. The dead after funerals get their place as Pitrs. Their Pinddan is performed at Gaya. He establishes that Pitr Yajna and Pind Pitr Yajna are the Vedic forms of ancestor worship. Their local expression is found in the form of PitrMedhas, where they are worshipped on daily or occasional functions. During Shraaddhs a full fortnight is devoted to ancestors with ritualistic veneration. Bhattacharya (1971) in his Ph.D thesis studied the Concept of Shraaddha in Post-Vedic Hinduism in detail involving the ritual steps involved and compared it to Vedic rituals.  Das (1982) in her book has remarked about caste differences and ritual differentiation in Hindus. Caste differences exist even in close proximity and are evident in the ritual processions. Jamison (1991) talks about rituals inherited from the older tradition that composed the Rig Veda as “the ideally portable religion” in that the liturgy is memorized by those who enact it and the materials used in the ritual are implements used in everyday life or created for that particular instance, such as the ritual space and the fire. Specific places are not recognized as sacred; rather the ritual space in which the ritual will occur is created through a meticulous demarcation of sacred space (ancestral). McAnany (1995) details this relationship, focusing on connections between agricultural practice and ancestor veneration from pre-Columbian to colonial times in the Mayan area (Maya Civilisation). He notes that land rights, particularly agricultural lands, were inherited from ancestors. Thus, ancestors, though deceased remained a significant part of society. Although case material is drawn from the Maya region, it offers a good example of veneration of ancestors.  

Prasad (1997) remarks on the importance of sixteen Samskaras encompassing the life of a Hindu, of which the last rites are performed by their sons or grandsons. Puranas and Dharmasastras praised the role of a son in the death rites of a devout Hindu. His work deals in detail with the Shraaddh rites and justifies the popular Hindu belief that dead ancestors are part and parcel of the Hindu family and hence ancestor worship is requisite for one’s prosperity. It is necessary for the continuity of one’s race as believed from the Rigvedic period. Ghosh (2002) portrayed the Hindu view of life in its totality based on his wider review of more than 500 ancient texts. He wrote about the cult of immortality, karma, transmigration of souls, ancestral worship image worshipping. Sayers (2013) in his masterpiece (Feeding the Dead) reveals the ancestral rites of Hindus from the early Vedic period. He explains in detail the solemn ancestral rights and domestic rice ball sacrifice to the ancestors in detail. Shraaddh rites are dealt at length even traced from the Buddhist literature in addition to Puranas and Vedas. Sayers (2015) sees the association of Hinduism with reincarnation as well-known. This connection obscures a long tradition of ancestor worship. The ritual texts of the Vedic and later Hindu traditions describe in detail the procedure for several forms of ancestral rites. This paper outlines the development of the theological discourse on ancestor worship from its earliest expression to the formation of Classical Hinduism early in the Common Era and highlights the underlying theological, social, and practical concerns that shaped that discourse. Kumar and Cincala (2021), describe that faith, fear, and force are the three main factors influencing ancestral worship in Hindus. They explained these factors with case studies based on interviews at different places in India. All three factors have their own effects stimulating different emotions regarding their ancestors. People wish to be happy and prosperous and hence they tend to venerate their ancestors. This review of literature provides a niche for a case from a local place concerned with the rituals and rites observed while venerating the ancestors. Hence the study was conducted to fill the gap in literature.

The paper rests on a mixed qualitative and quantitative methodology. Fieldwork entries were filled from each selected caste household from the five selected caste villages from Jhajjar district of the state of Haryana. The purposively selected villages had a majority or larger share (> 25 per cent) of one caste household (HH). The village Balaur was surveyed for 295 HH of Ahirs (Yadav), Isherheri for 214 HH of Jats, Shidipur for 177 HH of Brahmans, Naya Gaon for 234 HH of Sainis, and Gangarwa was surveyed for 60 HH of SC (Chamar). This selection aimed to know the inter-caste differences among Hindus for analyzing differences in beliefs and causes of ancestral worship. Extensive fieldwork was carried out to gather HH-level primary data encompassing 980 HH in five villages in the year 2020-21. The primary aim was to explore various forms of ancestor worship. Numerous interviews regarding the built-up expressions of ancestral shrines were completed. The rituals and rites performed by different caste householders were qualitatively synthesized with the help of QDA (Minor Lite) software.

Location and Demography of the Study Villages: Five villages were purposively selected from Jhajjar district of Haryana state. Four villages were selected from Bahadurgarh Tehsil and one from Badli Tehsil (Map 1). 

These five caste villages had 980 HH of selected single majority caste, encompassing a total population of 6437 persons (Table 1).

Table 1. Study villages- the selected caste, number of HH and population (selected from Jhajjar district, Haryana).

Name of Village	Isherheri	Shidipur	Balaur	Naya Gaon (Bir Barkatabad)	Gangarwa	Total
Caste of Respondents	Jat	Brahman	Ahir	Saini	Chamar	05
No. of Households (HH)	214	177	295	234	60	980
Population under study	1206	1086	1958	1839	348	6437

Broad Categories of Ancestor Veneration: Broadly two forms of ancestral worship practices were ubiquitous among all select caste people- the veneration in the form of PitrMadhis and Shraaddh rites. Both are discussed at length in the text.  

Pitr Madhis in the study villages: Origin, Form, and Beliefs

At Isherheri, one man who died in 1981 was a well-known natural healer known as Hakim/Vaid Arjan Singh. As he was a man of exceptional natural understanding of human ailments, the family decided to make his Madhi in their fields where the Vaid used to live in a hut. In 2009 the family reconstructed the Madhi and transposed a stone image of their grandfather. In another case, a family had a man who died without children. Later, the family had problems with animals, men-women of the HH, and loss in agriculture. Then on the advice of a syana/pandit (wise-man), they constructed a small shrine of PitrMadhi in their field, and the family then felt relief from all the problems they had faced in the past. A few PitrMadhis from the village are shown in Fig. 1

At Shidipur and Balaur, several narratives lie behind the construction of PitrMadhis (Figures 2 & 3). There are two types of such shrines existing in these villages. One is Chhatri (the place mainly in the fields of the dead where the dead person was cremated) and Madhi (the place for revering the ancestor). Both of these structures are visited by the concerned family on specific occasions of Pitr worship. In addition, some families have PitrMadhi within their premises/front of the house or in their plots/fields. At Naya Gaon (BB), more significant numbers of PitrMadhis existed (Fig. 4). A man in this village explained another story behind the construction of PitrMadhi. According to him, one of his uncles died at a younger age. His mother and aunty usually saw him as Pitr in their dreams. One time both these ladies saw him saying that this time a male baby would be born in the family. The following year it happened, and the family made a PitrMadhi of the deceased young man in their field. Almost every shrine has its narrative in each village.

At Gangarwa, only a few HH has PittrMadhi. A Kunba of Dhaniya gotra has the Madhi of one man Mastan, a Mata Nagarkot (Himachal Pradesh) devotee. As he was unmarried, so after his death, a PitrMadhi was constructed by the people of his Kunba (Fig. 5). Today all the HH of this gotra visit his shrine.

Rituals and Practices at PitrMadhis

The highest numbers of HH having PitrMadhi are at Naya Gaon, where most Saini HH constructed and revere their ancestors. At Balaur (Ahirs), Isherheri (Jats), and Shidipur (Brahmans), more than one-half of HH have PitrMadhis (Table 2). The slightest reverence of Pitrs in the form of PitrMadhis was found among Chamars of Gangarwa, where about one-fourth of HH have Madhis. 

Table 2: Visiting PitrMadhis, a local sacred place in the study villages

Village Name (No. of HH)/ Frequency to visit PitrMadhi	Isherheri (214 HH)	Shidipur (177 HH)	Balaur (295 HH)	Naya Gaon (BB) (234 HH)	Gangarwa (60 HH)
Daily	31 (14.5)	09 (5.1)	45 (15.3)	30 (12.8)	01 (1.7)
Weekly	05 (2.3)	04 (2.3)	08 (2.7)	24 (10.3)	0
Monthly (Amavasya)	131 (61.2)	98 (55.4)	182 (61.7)	195 (83.3)	16 (26.7)
On festivals (Holi, Diwali etc.)	131 (61.2)	98 (55.4)	182 (61.7)	197 (84.2)	16 (26.7)
On special occasions (marriages, birth, offering first milk of cow/buffalo, during Shraaddhs	131 (61.2)	98 (55.4)	182 (61.7)	197 (84.2)	16 (26.7)
Do not have PitrMadhi	83 (38.8)	79 (44.6)	113 (38.3)	37 (15.8)	44 (73.3)

Note: Figures in parentheses indicate the percentage; BB- Bir Barkatabad,
Source: Primary Survey, 2020-21

The most significant number of HH in the study area have ancestral shrines in their fields or plots, while fewer are built at home also. Some perform the bathing ritual and lit lamps and offer food at first to their ancestors with varying frequencies ranging from daily, weekly, fortnightly, and monthly to annual festivities and special family functions like marriages and childbirth (Table 2). On special occasions, the Pitrs are fed before the household members eat their meals. On the morning of each month’s Amavasya, a family member offers fresh food, mainly sweetened rice boiled in milk (Kheer), and lights a lamp inside the small shrine. Daily and weekly visits are done by one per cent to fifteen per cent HH in different villages. Many families who visit their fields for agricultural purposes pay due respect to the Madhi. Food is offered first at festivals like Holi and Diwali, and a lamp is lit. During Shraaddhas (ritual of feeding the dead for sixteen days), specially prepared food is offered at PitrMadhi. If a family has any particular function like marriage and birth celebration, they also visit this shrine and seek blessings and well-being for the newcomers in the family. All the HH who keep cows/buffalo also offers first milk at PitrMadhi along with Bhaiyan/Pachvir. Chadar is also offered at the shrine in case of any boon sought from the ancestor is fulfilled.  

Pitr Paksha or Shraaddh or Ancestral Worship

It seems that ancestral worship is an obligation for every sanctimonious Hindu. Feeding the dead (ancestors) is an essential sacred observance among Hindus. According to Kumar and Cincala (2021), faith, fear, and force are the three main factors influencing ancestral worship in Hindus. First, faith is a belief system in people's minds and souls, both in tangible rituals and intangible gods. So, the faithful Hindus follow the practices instructed by their elders as their responsibility to their ancestors. Second, the force can be the source of ancestral worship which may come from: “(i) force from family, (ii) societal expectations, and (iii) force from spiritual gurus or priests. Third, the force to participate in such worship comes from the desire to advance and prosper in life” (Kumar & Cincala, 2021, p. 166). A young person narrated one example of societal pressure at Isherheri, whose father expired some years ago. His father used to say that whenever he died, there was no need to disperse his in the Ganga River. He thought that after losing a person if the grief-ridden persons visit Garh Ganga, located about 160 kilometres away, it might attract miss happenings. So, he dictated to his children not to perform the ritual of asthivisarjan. However, when he died, his sons denied the ritual, but under societal pressure, they had to perform it unwillingly. The third factor is the fear of ancestors.

“The feeling of fear was seen in nearly every qualitative interview. The fear of the dead tormenting them or bringing a curse to the family are some of the primary reasons why Hindus do not intend to upset their ancestors. In fact, over a quarter (28.6%) of surveyed respondents reported that they believe that if they do not carry out the proper ancestral rituals, the ancestors will be angry and will cause bad fortune to befall the family. Several such fear incidences led people to take extreme steps and become involved in occult activities and witchcraft to either protect themselves from the dead or to please them” (Kumar &Cincala, 2021, p. 168).

Due to these three factors, many households in the study villages had constructed ancestral shrines (PitrMadhi). 

This traditional worship practice, known as Shraaddh-rites, has a well-defined time in the Hindu lunar calendar. These rites are observed for sixteen days. The first day is the Purnima of Bhadrapada month, and then from the first day of Ashwin (September-October) month (Prathama or Padwa) until the fifteenth day (Amavasya or new moon day). Throughout the study area, Shraaddh rites are followed for three generations only. It means if I am the oldest surviving member of my household, then Shraaddhs of any deceased in my generation, my parents and grandparents will be observed. Shraaddh rites of ancestors of the fourth generation are not observed as they are believed to be part of peaceful and contented souls. However, in almost each study village, one or more common ancestor's Shraaddh is observed by the whole Kunba as per the wish of the dead. One such example is a lady named Shankho, an unmarried girl. When she died, she asked her Kunba to observe her Shraaddh rites. She belongs to the eighth-generation ancestor, but still, her rites are observed based on her demand. It is a common consensus among more than 100 households of these three Kunbas that it should continue to avoid any unwanted incident or to get her blessings. It was also narrated by many householders throughout the study area that whatever food was liked by the ancestor when alive, given preferences while observing Shraaddh. The most likely food items prepared are Kheer, Halwa, and rice. 

In the simplest ritual observance, the following sequence of events takes place- 

1. In the morning, fresh water is brought to prepare food for the ancestor. By 7 or 8 am, food is prepared. Then, the member who had to observe the Shraaddh took a bath and prepared for the sacred observance. 

2. Some households observe havan in the memory of a dead ancestor before Shraaddh rites but not for all the Shraaddhs. 

3. The person designated for the observance is generally a male member. He places the specially prepared sweetened food on half-baked slices of bread (kachchi roti). Three or four sets are prepared for the crows, cows, and dogs (Fig 6). 

4. (east). Finally, he joins hands and asks the ancestor for constant blessing for the family. The households with PitrMadhis built near their premises or in fields visit it first and offer bread and water there. 

5.  Then, he takes the second bread, moves outside the home, and offers the bread to the cow(s). 

6. The third bread is given to the dog, preferably black. In this way, the ritual cycle of Shraaddh completes, and the family eats the meals afterwards. 

7.  Many families send prepared food to the pandit in the village temple. 

Differences in Shraaddh rituals in the study area

Shraaddh-rites are very simple among Jats of Isherheri. They believe that offering food made in freshwater was sufficient for their ancestors. A few families now invite a Brahman living in the village temple on the day of a special Shraaddh for the havan and offer food to him. The village has only two Brahman families living in the village. These families are not practicing levite work, so they do not accept food offered during Shraaddhs. One older man (87 years old) told a different story about ancestral rites. A Brahman named Kundan belonging to Badli (Jhajjar) village used to visit the Jat households on the day of Amavasya for food offerings up to the 1960s. Later on, such traditions were abandoned.  

Brahmans of Shidipur more strictly observed Shraaddh-rites. Being Brahmans, the households who do not practice lavatory work invite those who practice it. Most families prefer to invite their daughter’s son (Dhevta) or sisters’ son (Bhanja) during Shraaddhs. Hindus consider it highly meritorious to offer food to Bhanja/Dhevta during this fortnight. 

Among the Ahirs of Balaur, generally, a householder invites a pandit during the Shraaddhs or offers food at the village temple’s pandit. However, most families prefer to offer food to him on the day of Amavasya, the last day of pitrpaksha. 

The Sainis of Naya Gaonare their ancestors' greatest worshippers if we look at the number of PitrMadhis in their village (84.2 per cent of households). All these households first visit the Pitr shrine and offer food and water at the particular place made for the ancestors.  Among the Chamars of Gangarwa, the Shraaddh rites are customarily carried out. All the 39 households of Sambarwal Gotra take out the Shraaddh of their one common ancestor belonging five generations back, in addition to their current ancestors.  

Changes in rituals during Shraaddhs 

Post-1980-90s, the ritual incorporated some changes. Before that time, no household was allowed to grind grains for sixteen days. Flour was stored in advance for this purpose. Now, this condition is abolished as many find it useless. During this period, no shopping and auspicious work was started, but now the resistance is seen in older people only.

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