For verification of this paper, please visit on http://www.socialresearchfoundation.com/resonance.php#8

US-Russia relationship had witnessed unexpected turns in the post 9/11 period. Unexpectedly Russia has found common cause of with US in the so called ‘War on Terror’. Two countries which shared an acrimonious relationship with each other for mor than a decade and looked to harm the interest of each other in every possible sphere in the world, suddenly were seen on the common platform. US knew it well the Russian importance in the region, who support was needed for all strategic and logistical operation. US made Russia convince the regional players to cooperate with US in this offensive in this region. All-important logistical routes and air bases were opened for US to launch its offensive against Taliban. Russia allowed US to build military bases in Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan so that an effective onslaught can be done on Afghanistan. Russia even a step further and opened a line of communication called Northern Distribution Network in 2009 to ensure supplies to ISAF troops.

A ‘reset’ in US-Russian policy was mainly due to the Russian concern of securing it southern borders. A fear of spillover effect from the south to the north affecting Russia was the main reason for the temporary switch between the two governments. However, as the US presence got prolonged in the region, it greatly alarmed Russia. And the latter did not agree with any new US bases in the region. Since 2005, another reset is witnessed in Russia-US relationship, US was accused of inflaming color revolution in Georgia and Ukraine. Since the beginning, there was a fear that US might once more establish a chord with Taliban on the lines it did in 1980s supporting Mujahedeen forces. Another favor which Russia needed from US/ NATO that they will stop cultivation of poppy in Afghanistan, but it did not happen and the latter only focused on checking drug trafficking across Afghanistan borders. More than anything else, Russia accused US of allowing drug trafficking to destabilize the Russian society.

US presence in the region has made Russia much suspicious and alert. It doubts if US stays in the region longer, it would establish an independent link with the Central Asian States[1]. Further, there is a concern on the Russian side that Russia might lose business in oil and gas infrastructure for Chinese and US companies. Therefore, Russia seems to have become alert in establishing independent relationship with Taliban, China, Pakistan, Iran and Turkey under the fear that US might not undermine its position in the region. The effort of Russia in the region had produced some significant results, it is once more being recognized as the regional superpower. And the regional and other states are looking to Russia for assistance and cooperation that the United States of America. It is one way or the other acquiring its military and diplomatic skills that it possessed.

The post-9/11 era has witnessed significant shifts in global geopolitics, particularly in the context of Russia-US relations. This literature review explores key scholarly works and research articles that delve into the complexities of this relationship, examining the diplomatic, political, and security dimensions.Understanding the dynamics of Russia-US relations necessitates an examination of historical antecedents. The geopolitical landscape has played a pivotal role in influencing Russia-US relations.This research investigates how energy politics and competition for influence in regions such as Eastern Europe and the Central Asian region have shaped the bilateral dynamic.In the post-9/11 period, geopolitical factors have played a significant role in shaping the complex relationship between Russia and the United States.

Several studies have been done by many intellectuals on this topic in which some are considered for review for this research paper such as Hussain, Zahid (2022) No-Win War: A Paradox of US-Pakistan Relations in Afghanistan's Shadow, Lewis, Melinda J. (2016) In the Warlord's Garden: An American family's Afghan adventure, Fred C. Ikle, Sergei A. Karaganov (1994) Harmonizing The Evolution of U.S. and Russian Defence Policies, Vladimir Putin, Sergei Lavrov (2018) The Hope and Challenge of the 21st Century: A Russian Vision, Tanwir, M. Halim. Mhmood Tarzi (2012) Independence of Afghanistan and Amin Tarzi, Robert D. Crews (2009) The Taliban and the Crisis of Afghanistan.

Several key factors have influenced their interactions. The September 11, 2001 attacks prompted a shift in global geopolitics, leading to increased cooperation between Russia and the United States in the fight against terrorism. Both countries shared concerns about Islamist extremism, particularly in regions such as Central Asia and the Caucasus. The cooperation included intelligence sharing, joint operations, and diplomatic efforts to counter common threats.

The post-9/11 period has witnessed a shift toward a more multi polar world order, with emerging powers challenging the traditional dominance of the U.S. and Russia. As both countries navigate this evolving global landscape, their geopolitical calculations include efforts to maintain influence, secure strategic partnerships, and address new challenges from rising powers.In summary, the geopolitical factors influencing Russia-U.S. relations in the post-9/11 period are diverse and include counter terrorism cooperation, NATO expansion, energy geopolitics, regional conflicts, arms control, cyber security concerns, and the evolving nature of the global order. These factors have contributed to a complex and often contentious relationship between the two countries.

Post-9/11, both Russia and the US found themselves grappling with new security challenges, including terrorism and transnational threats. This study shed light on how these shared security concerns have led to cooperation or competition between the two nations.The security concerns in Russia-U.S. relations in the post-9/11 period have been complex and multifaceted. While there have been moments of cooperation, there have also been significant points of tension.

One of the contentious issues in Russia-U.S. relations has been the expansion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) into Eastern Europe. Russia has expressed concerns about NATO's eastward expansion, viewing it as a security threat. This has led to tensions, as the U.S. has supported the accession of former Soviet bloc countries into NATO, contributing to a more competitive and adversarial dynamic between the two powers.The expansion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) into Eastern Europe, including Central Asian Republics and Warsaw Pact countries, has been a major source of concern for Russia. Moscow perceives NATO enlargement as a security threat, viewing it as an encroachment into its traditional sphere of influence. This has strained relations and fueled mistrust between Russia and the United States.Over time, Russia became increasingly concerned about the expansion of NATO into former Soviet bloc countries and the proposed deployment of U.S. missile defense systems in Eastern Europe. These issues became major points of contention, with Russia viewing them as security threats and infringements on its sphere of influence.

In the immediate aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, Russia and the United States found common ground in the fight against terrorism. Putin expressed solidarity with the U.S., and Russia supported the American-led military operations in Afghanistan. This period of cooperation was marked by warmer relations, including the signing of the Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty (SORT) in 2002.In summary, the domestic politics of Russia-U.S. relations in the post-9/11 period have been shaped by a combination of geopolitical rivalries, security concerns, and domestic political dynamics in both countries. The relationship has experienced periods of cooperation, but also significant tensions, reflecting the complexities of the global political landscape.

Russia and the U.S. have been on opposite sides in several regional conflicts, contributing to geopolitical tensions. For instance, their differing approaches to the conflicts in Syria and Ukraine have led to disagreements and strained relations.The unraveling of arms control agreements, such as the U.S. withdrawal from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty, has added another security concerns. The New START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty) is one of the last remaining arms control agreements between the two countries, and its future has been uncertain at times.Competition over energy resources and control of pipelines, especially in Europe, has been another dimension of the security concerns. Russia's role as a major energy supplier to Europe has implications for regional stability and the balance of power.

This paper explores the effectiveness of various diplomatic efforts, from arms control agreements to summit meetings, in fostering cooperation or managing tensions.The diplomatic initiatives between Russia and the United States in the post-9/11 period have been characterized by a mixture of cooperation and tension. The tragic events of September 11, 2001, marked a turning point in international relations, prompting countries to reassess their priorities and collaborate on global security issues. Here are some key diplomatic initiatives and events in Russia-U.S. relations during this period. In 2018, Presidents Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin held a summit in Helsinki. The meeting aimed to improve relations, but it generated controversy due to perceived concessions by President Trump and questions about Russian interference in U.S. elections.The post-9/11 period in Russia-U.S. relations has been marked by a complex interplay of cooperation and discord, influenced by evolving geopolitical dynamics and national interests. The relationship continues to be subject to fluctuations based on a range of global and regional issues.

In conclusion, the literature on Russia-US relations in the post-9/11 period presents a rich tapestry of analyses encompassing historical legacies, geopolitical factors, security concerns, diplomatic initiatives, domestic politics, and economic interactions. By synthesizing these works, future research can build on this foundation to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the evolving dynamics between these two major global players.

Russia-US Relations: Post 9/11 Period

The relation of Russia and US had witnessed a historic paradigmatic shift. At the invasion of Afghanistan to enhance the clout of the communist regime in Afghanistan, US supported Mujahideen. It supplied them men and material to counter USSR invasion in Afghanistan. The same forces when usurped power in Afghanistan, US/NATO launched an attack on Taliban to topple their government in Afghanistan. Russia after a very humiliating withdrawal in 1989 decided not to involve in any civil war that followed. There was a emergence of Taliban in 1990s , and there developed a clear link between international Islamist forces and Chechen rebel forces which were operating under Russia. It made Russia to support Northern Alliance in relation with Iran which stood against Taliban. At the stage when Russia was against Taliban, it paved the way for its support to US military intervention in Afghanistan 2001.

Russia supported US/NATO making a common cause with them to justify its act in Chechnya. To be more precise, Russia supplied military equipment to Northern Alliance, and helped in the transportation of non-NATO supplies across multiple based in Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, as well as to the airspace of Russia[2]. The expectation of Russia was that US-led forces would one day impose a crushing defeat on Taliban and the task assigned for ISAF to stabilize Afghanistan would be accomplished, and then perhaps a greater role would be conceived for Russia and Central Asian states. Thereafter, perhaps, Russia would become free of Islamic threat inside Russia as well Central Asia. It would also allow Russia a free hand in the expansion of within a neutral sphere of influence. Under these calculation Russia would be perceived as great friend of West, including US/NATO, on an issue of mutual cooperation: fighting international militancy.

Russia also brought changes in its approach to Taliban. The risk assessments in Moscow related to the rise of Taliban were remarkably precise and informed Putin’s difficult decision in September 2001 to overrule objections from the top brass and to grant consent for the United States to build military bases in Uzbekistan (Karshi-Khanabad, closed in 2005) and Kyrgyzstan (Manas, closed in 2014) for supporting the swift military intervention into Afghanistan. The US experience with operating these bases was rather checkered, but Russia showed more cooperative attitude by contributing to the Northern Distribution Network (established in 2009 and discontinued in 2015) for delivering supplies to US and International Security Assistance Force troops. 

It wasn’t pure good-will that underpinned that element of short-lived ‘reset’ in Russia-US relations during the early Obama administration and Medvedev interregnum but rather the undeclared understanding in Moscow that the sustained US-led operation actually answered Russia’s security interests by containing a potentially explosive conflict to the south of its borders. The termination of this costly US deployment has instantly upped the threat of spill-over to the level where modest reinforcements sent to the Russian base in Tajikistan could only serve as a symbolic deterrent. Moscow has expressed firm opposition to any new US military footprint in Central Asia, and its offer to allow the US to use the Russian bases for intelligence and logistical operations was dubious at best. One implication from this stance is that Russia assumes greater responsibility, which it doesn’t want to carry and cannot share.

By 2005, there was a shift in the Moscow’s policy, and relationship with US/NATO witnessed a paradigm shift. Russia now started pursuing a more active policy in Afghanistan based on four apprehensions. There was a deterioration in Russia’s relationship with NATO, and West was baking the ‘Colour Revolutions’ in Georgia and Ukraine[3]. Since, the beginning, the military elites in Russia were hesitant to support NATO’s presence in the backyard of Russia. There was always a fear that US-Taliban nexus may resurface as US supported Mujahedin forces in 1980s. Secondly, Russia believed that NATO would vigorously pursue the eradication of poppy cultivation and production of heroine through the country but instead NATO and ISAF only committed to check drug trafficking across Afghanistan borders. Russian quickly changed their tone raising their disappointment over ISAF’s refusal to check poppy production, and accusing NATO for allowing drug trafficking to destabilize the Russian society.

There is apprehension among the military leaders in Russia that they are doubtful if NATO and US are indeed facing difficulties in Afghanistan. Further, they are concerned if US stays longer in the region and expand its military and economic influence over Central Asian Republics[4]. There is also a concern that oil and gas infrastructure in Afghanistan may favour Chinese and US companies at the cost of Russian companies. There may also emerge an alternative oil and gas routes through Pakistani port[5].

Even the Bonn conference failed to chalk out a clear pathway for discussion with Taliban. Hamid Karzai, the new Afghan leader, had made a decision by 2003-2004 that only those of leaders of Taliban will be punished or brought to justice who had links with Al-Qaeda. He pardoned a vast majority of Taliban, considering them traditional Pashtuns and conservative Muslims, who did not of pose any serious threat to the government[6].

However, there is an increased opposition of the US and NATO forces inside Afghanistan after 2005, it seems Western ambition of turning Afghanistan into a stable and democratic state might fail. However, when US made a grand commitment for the ‘Greater Central Asia’, it feared Russia that it would prolong the stay of US in the region. Since 2000 onwards, Russia realized that it must play an active role or else US presence in the region might undermine its position in the Central Asia. The effort that Russia has produced in the region has yielded results and we see that it had slowly gained skills that it possessed in 1990s. Russia has openly criticized smuggling of drugs outside Afghanistan into the Russian market, and instability caused in Russia due to insurgency in Afghanistan.

US invasion in Afghanistan turned out to be a lengthy war during the administration of George W. Bush. The years between 2004-2006 witnessed years of conflict between US-led coalition forces and the Taliban. By 2006, Taliban were defeated and they became resurgent. Obama made a renewed effort in Afghanistan during 2009-2010. This included sending 17,000 troops to the country in Feb. 2009, and shifting strategy to focus on fighting Taliban and Al-Qaeda militants in Pakistan as well. By 2013, NATO forces (led by the US) officially handed over security responsibility to Afghan military forces. The US military stayed on mostly in a training capacity and for specific counterterrorism efforts.

Reversing the policy of Obama, Trump initially escalated engagement. Taliban power continued to grow. There were unsuccessful peace talks between the US, Taliban, and Afghan governments. In 2017, August, President Trump introduced a new policy towards Afghanistan, ramping up the US presence on the ground for as long as it took to win instead of focusing on timetables for withdrawal. After a series of negotiations with Taliban, Pentagon finally agreed for complete withdrawal of troops in November, 2020. 

Biden came into office with a commitment to ending the US war in Afghanistan. This approach has garnered criticism for the humanitarian and national security crises that could arise from the absence of US forces in the region.In presidential election, Joe Biden promised to withdraw all US troops from Afghanistan. By April, he said that this process would be complete by September 2021, on the 20th anniversary of the 9/11 attacks. As the Taliban closed in on Kabul in August, Biden temporarily deployed a total of 5,000 troops to evacuate US embassy personnel. 

Russia-US Relations and the Afghan Factor

US is aware of Russian strength in the region. When US had a formal talk with Taliban in Doha in 2018, made Russia also to engage them directly for its future needs. Russia, then held talks with Taliban and other members of Afghani set up in February and May 2019. Russia highlighted the significance of Taliban-Moscow relation in the past. So, Russia is developing a collateral system of co-operation with Taliban to emerge as an important broker in the deal, which would prove effective if US-Taliban talks fail. In the larger context, US had been extremely successful in taking along Russia making a common cause in fight against terrorism. Russia too has utilized this opportunity to strengthen its position in Central Asian regions and attain legitimacy for its action against Chechnya.

The American perspective in Afghanistan is that they want to exist from a military engagement that is not going well for them, and all metrics suggest things will get worse instead of better. Why, then, should Russia become involved in a lost cause? The Americans want Russia’s help because the US population has turned against the war in Afghanistan and in 2012 most European troops will leave Afghanistan. Without discounting the many roadblocks, leaders in both countries believe that even limited security cooperation is in their vital interest. In this connection, both Washington and Moscow deem a return of the Taliban in Afghanistan as detrimental to their respective security priorities.

In the US case, should terrorist bases be resurrected in Afghanistan, American citizens run the risk of becoming victims in a repeat of September 11, 2001 (9/11). To prevent this ominous outcome, the United States has embarked upon military operations in cooperation with North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and Afghan forces. US has cajoled Russia in obtaining assistance in the areas of arms, diplomacy, intelligence, logistics, and training. Likewise, Russia has a number of incentives to help the US-led coalition in Afghanistan: curtailing the flow of drugs from that country to Russia; protecting the Central Asian states that are integral to Russia’s economic prosperity; and denying jihadis the opportunity to conduct terrorist operations in the North Caucasus and Russia proper. In truth, Russia has more to lose than the United States should the coalition stumble in Afghanistan[7].

Under US pressure Russian has looked much more serious in its effort of attaining stability in the region, and a radical shift in the policy of initiating a talk with Taliban is an outcome of US influence. Russia wants to attain multiple goals in the region vis-a-via US. All its security considerations got emboldened when US launched an offensive against terror.  It is the regional concerns of Russia that US feels it can take advantage of Russia and drag former in the larger goals in Afghanistan. Russia which was opposed to the Taliban in 1990s suddenly changed its approach and tilted towards them in 2010 for the geo-political and security concerns. There were three implicit reasons for Russia to make this radical shift, the rise if ISKP in Afghanistan concerned Russia as it was much bigger a security threat to Central Asia and Russia than Taliban. Moscow assessed the fact that, Taliban, unlike ISKP do not have international goals that would prove dangerous for Russia and its neighbouring states. ISKP on the other hand posed a global threat. In fact, Taliban was fighting ISKP, and Russian support would embolden them more. Russia is of the view that Taliban would handle ISKP much better than the National Army of Afghanistan which had the full assistance of USA. Even, Kapulov have embraced the fact that Taliban had been approached to attain a common ground and expressed that the interest of Russia and Taliban coincide[8].

The relationship of Russia and Taliban is not well defined. There are reports that a Russian participation can’t be ruled out in a meeting held with Taliban in May, 2015 (Ahmad: 2017).  There were also reports in 2016 coming from US and Afghanistan that Russia has funded and supplied arms to Taliban[9].  The commander of NATO forces John Nicholson in Afghanistan , in 2016, publicly critiqued the closeness that had emerged between Russia and Taliban.(Nicholson: 2016)The same allegations were reiterated in August 2017 by US Secretary of state Rex Tillerson. Russian officials have denied these claims, the foreign policy expert of Russia Sergei Karaganov accepted that there is a complicated game being played by us, sometimes we support Taliban or anti-Taliban forces, but the fact of the matter is that the ‘Afghan Disease’ must not spread to the neighbouring countries, Central Asia and India[10].

Even though there was a progress in the talk of US special envoy ZalmayKhalizad  and the leadership of Taliban , but still there had been continued negative statement about the development. The meeting between US and Taliban took place in December, 2018, and partial withdrawal of US troops thereafter. Russia went to the extent of criticizing the US policy in Afghanistan and more so when the former opened negotiations with Taliban. Any rapprochement with Taliban was seen as sign of defeat. The statement also spoke for about US conspiring to support ISKP.Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov carried forward the criticism to another level and made a claim that US is conducting the closed door talks and trying to subvert the whole process and ignoring the regional players. Further, the regional players have no idea what plans US is making[11].

 US dubious actions has shaped Russian policy differently. Russia took its own course and started its own negotiation Channel. Russia hosted what is called an intra-Afghan Dialogue in Moscow[12]. However, there was a denial from the Russian side of hosting any such event, instead, it was claimed that the Afghan diaspora in Moscow and Commonwealth of Independent States countries (CIS), although, reality was that it was hosted by ministry of foreign affairs. Ashraf Ghani, the President of Afghanistan, criticized this event , but found attendance of pro-Russian faction like former President Hamid Karzai, and other important figures like National Security Advisor of Afghan Hanif Atmar, Atta Muhammad Nur, and others. Sher Abbas Stankizai was the one who received a delegation of ten members representing Taliban in Qatar office. The former was the head of the political office of Taliban in Qatar[13].

This produced a common ground for the other to come in Qatar and contribute to the peace process and attain a peace settlement. And also there was a consensus that foreign forces must withdraw from the country(9). Russia changed its stance and there was a public acceptance of the effort led by US for the peace-oriented talks. Even MFA lowered its critique of the US policy and supported a trilateral diplomatic channel in which Kabulov, Khalilzad and Deng Xijun, the Chinese special envoy for Afghanistan. A meeting was held in Beijing, Moscow, and later Pakistan also joined the group to form what Russia termed ‘Troika-plus’ format[14].

Russia had continued its own initiatives. In spite of US dislike,  Russia- Afghan diplomatic relation have continued unabated, and there had been a meeting among the Afghans to rejoice the centenary cerebration of Afghanistan-Russia relations in May 2019. This platform was created for an intra-Afghan dialogue and to assert Russia’s role in the peace process. A Taliban deliberation reached Moscow once announced suspension of peace talks. The moving of Taliban into the USSR’s fold was to remind US that Taliban had other geo-political options which it can utilize.However, Russian officials welcome the move of US when the latter announced the resumption of dialogue with Taliban[14]. In the public sphere, Russia supported the negotiation process and welcomed the crucial break through that was attained in US-Taliban talks, which made a crucial breakthrough in February 2020.

1. Safranchuk, Ivan. Afghanistan and Its Central Asian Neighbours: Towards Dividing Insecurity. Wshington D. C. : Center fOR Strategic & International Studies, 2017.

2. Dmitri V. Trenin, Aleksei V. Malashenko. Russia's Restless Frontier: The Chechnya Factor in Post Soviet Russia. s.l. : Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2004.

3. Tanwir, M. Halim. Mhmood Tarzi: Independence of Afghanistan. Bloomington : Xlibris, 2012.

4. Amin Tarzi, Robert D. Crews. The Taliban and the Crisis of Afghanistan. Massachusetts : Harvard University Press, 2009.

5. Hussain, Zahid. No-Win War: A Paradox ofUS-Pakistan Relations in Afghanistan's Shadow. Karachi : Oxford University Press Pakistan, 2022.

6. Lewis, Melinda J. In the Warlord's Garden: An American family's Afghan adventure. Cambridge University Press : Kindle Edition, 2016.

7. Fred C. Ikle, Sergei A. Karaganov. Harmonizing The Evolution of U.S. and Russian Defence Policies. Oxfordshire : Routledge Publisher, 1994.

8. Vladimir Putin, Sergei Lavrov. The Hope and Challenge of the 21st Century: A Russian Vision. Moscow : Global Scholarly Publications, 2018.

9. Express, The Indian. Express Web Desk. indianexpress.com. [Online] September 30, 2021. [Cited: September 25, 2023.] https://indianexpress.com/article/world/afghanistan-taliban-highlights-today-7541778/.

10. Andrew Higgins, Mujib Mashal. In Moscow, Afghan Peace Talks Without the Afghan Government. nytimes.com. [Online] New York Times, February 4, 2019. [Cited: September 24, 2023.] https://www.nytimes.com/2019/02/04/world/asia/afghanistan-taliban-russia-talks-russia.html.

11. Department, US State. Washington D.C. : US Foreign Ministry, 2019.

12. TASS. US, NATO should shoulder chief responsibility for Afghanistan's recovery, says Lavrov. tass.com. [Online] October 27, 2021. [Cited: September 26, 2023.] https://tass.com/politics/1354559.